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ISBN-10: 0199557756

ISBN-13: 9780199557752

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From the outset, QMV was contentious and led to one of the major crises in the history of the EU (and the CAP). It occurred in 1965, in the so-called empty-chair crisis, when France left the Council chamber, and it was only resolved some months later with the so-called Luxembourg compromise. Much has been written about this early history of the EU: see for example, the not uncontested account by Moravcsik (2000a, 2000b) and subsequent papers in the Journal of Cold War Studies. Suffice to say the other five member states basically agreed not to outvote France, even though the Treaties might permit QMV, should France declare the matter to be of vital national importance.

Thus the Commission was to submit proposals to the Council ‘for tariff negotiations with third countries’; the Council would ‘authorise the Commission to open such negotiations’; and the Commission would then undertake the negotiations ‘in consultation with a special committee . . and within the framework of such directives as the Council may issue to it’ (EEC Articles 111 and 113). Originally known as the 113 Committee, this is now known as the 133 Committee following the renumbering of the Treaty Articles by the Nice Treaty.

Much of this modelling is based on neoclassical trade theory. Consequently, the general thrust of the results is that trade liberalization would improve the general well-being of humankind; and economists ‘have continued to preach the efficiency benefits derived from the full use of comparative advantage, free consumer choice, and uninhibited international trade flows’ (Sumner and Tangermann 2002: 2001). This ‘free-trade’ perspective can also be seen in the writings of some political scientists. For example Davis (2003: 4–5) introduces her book by 26 Ideas, Institutions, and Policy: A Theoretical Framework claiming ‘agriculture stands out as a sector where countries stubbornly defend domestic programs .

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Oxford Ideas Institutions And Trade

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